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Law does not recognise sentiment, emotions, don’t Be Ignorant Of The Law, LAHA Hits Back At Suspended Chairman, Lawyer

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The Lagos State House of Assembly has asked suspended chairman of Alimosho Local Government Area, Jelili Sulaimon, and his lawyer, Dr. Abdul Mahmud, to recognise the place of law rather than sentiments and emotions as guiding principles of legislative practices in Lagos State.

 

The advice by the Assembly today was in response to the purported reaction of the duo to the suspension of the council chairman by the House on Monday at plenary.

 

In a letter made available to the column.ng signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, chairman, Committee on Information, Strategy and Security, further advised Jelili against ascribing self-made meanings to the laws empowering the lawmakers act where necessary in the interest of the people.

 

READ THE FULL REACTION BELOW:

 

JELILI SULAIMAN’S SUSPENSION BACKED BY LAW

 

The attention of the Lagos State House of Assembly has been drawn to a statement supposedly signed by Dr. Abdul Mahmud, counsel to the embattled Alimosho local government chairman, Mr. Jelili Sulaimon, claiming to condemn the unanimous agreement of the Assembly to suspend his client on Monday, October 7, 2024.

 

Beyond the sensational rhetoric and half-baked details in the statement that is replete with emotions rather than deep-thoughts, it is pertinent to break down the real situation and puncture arguments as to the powers of the House to suspend Mr. Jelili.

 

In his race to the public to ‘garner’ sentiments, Jelili’s lawyer forgot to remember that there are no local government areas that created themselves. In other words, the creation of a local government follows strict processes of the law and Section 7 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria (as amended) creates the path to knowledge about this.

 

“The system of local government by democratically elected local government councils is under this Constitution guaranteed; and accordingly, the Government of every State shall, subject to Section 8 of this Constitution, ensure their existence under a Law which provides for the establishment, structure, composition, finance and functions of such councils.” Does this answer a question from the arguments of Jelili’s lawyer as to who has the power to create laws that regulate the activities of local government councils and their administration?

 

For better understanding, that section provides for the existence of: democratically elected system of Local Government to be guaranteed by a law of the State House of Assembly.

 

The same section provides that the House of Assembly is required to make provisions for statutory allocation of public revenue to Local Government Councils in a State. Section 8(3) highlights the procedure to be undertaken by a State House of Assembly in the creation of a new Local Government Area(s) in a State while Section 8(4) highlights the procedure to be undertaken by a State House of Assembly, through law, in the boundary adjustment of existing Local Government Areas.

 

Now, Section 162 (8) of the Constitution stipulates that a Law of the State House of Assembly shall provide for the distribution of monies standing to the credit of Local Government councils in a State.

 

Maybe we should remind him, his client and those travelling with him that Section 128 of the same Constitution further gives clarity to the powers of the House of Assembly.

 

“Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, a House of Assembly shall have power

by resolution published in its journal or in the

office Gazette of the Government of the State

to direct or cause to be directed an inquiry or

investigation into –

(a) any matter or thing with respect to which it

has power to make laws.

 

Here and based on the above constitutional provision, we are moved to ask again: who is legally guaranteed to make the law that creates the running of the local government? It is definitely not the National Assembly which is granted the constitutional powers to create states and not local governments.

 

This brings us to the Lagos State Local Government Administration Law (as amended) upon which the creation, administration and related activities of the local government system of Lagos State are based.

 

For better public information and effective knowledge, Section 24(a) of the amended law gives powers to the Lagos State House of Assembly to pass a resolution for the removal or suspension of any chairman, vice chairman, or official of any local government area (LGA) or local council development area (LCDA) after conducting an investigation. It states further that all that is needed for this resolution is a simple majority of the Assembly members. This emphasis is further highlighted in Section 5 of the law.

 

The amendment aims to ensure accountability and maintain order within the local government structure in Lagos State.

 

With this level of enlightenment as to the position of the laws guiding the administration of local government councils, it is further important to avoid misinformation or misrepresentation of the recent Supreme Court judgement concerning local governments in Nigeria. There is a marked difference between financial autonomy (upon which the lawyer’s argument rests) and administrative powers of the House. The rush to churn out a defence armed, albeit, with inferior understanding of the Supreme Court judgement does not give a sufficient case against the action of the House of Assembly.

 

The Local Government Administration law from which the council chairman and other elected officials of the local government system derive their powers is a product of the House of Assembly. The office of the Auditor-General for Local Governments that monitors the financial activities of this third tier of government is created by the law made by the Lagos State House of Assembly.

The Local Government Service Commission which handles issues relating to the officials of local governments is a creation of the House of Assembly. The Lagos State Independent Electoral Commission (LASIEC) that conducts elections into elective offices at the local government level is a creation of the House of Assembly. Therefore, jettisoning these facts will amount to a poor knowledge of the legislature. If you say the Lagos State House of Assembly does not have the power over local governments, it means all these laws created by the House should not be in place. If the laws should not be in place, then why would local governments exist?

 

We learnt that in a bid to protect the chairman, the councillors of the Alimosho Local Government Area hurriedly suspended the Vice Chairman, Akinpelu Johnson. To show how laughable this is, it is good to note that the law guiding them does not have a provision for suspension. The Local Government Administration law gives them the opportunity to remove a chairman or vice chairman but this also comes with a process. Thus, the suspension of Johnson is simply invalid. It is therefore necessary to remind the council leader that he can also be removed in line with the Local Government Administration law of Lagos State. If he does not know this, then, it is a pity.

 

For the few trying to juxtapose the functions of the National Assembly with those of the House of Assembly in this case, they should take a chill pill and request to be tutored. The National Assembly cannot interfere with the runnings of a State. It is not a part of its duty. On the other hand, the constitution grants the State House of Assembly powers over the local governments.

 

It is to be noted that this is not the first time the Lagos State House of Assembly would be suspending the same council chairman. In May 2021, he was suspended with two others by the House for their total disregard for the local government guidelines created by the State Legislature.

 

While we urge against mawkishness, we would also like to task residents of the council and members of the public not to allow themselves be swayed by positions and opinions that are opposite the law in this regard.

 

Hon. Stephen Ogundipe 

Chairman, Committee on Information

Lagos State House of Assembly

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Israel Says Struck Two Naval Missile Production Sites In Tehran

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The Israeli military announced on Wednesday it had struck two naval cruise missile production facilities operating under Iran’s ministry of defence in Tehran.

 

“In recent days, the Israeli air force acting on IDF intelligence struck two key naval cruise missile production sites in Tehran,” the military said.

It said the facilities were used to “develop and manufacture long-range naval cruise missiles, which are capable of rapidly destroying targets at sea and on land”.

The strikes “represent another step in deepening the damage done to the regime’s military production infrastructure”, the military added.

Last week, the military announced its fighter jets had struck several Iranian naval ships in the Caspian Sea, including vessels equipped with anti-submarine missiles.

 

 

 

 

AFP

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2025 ‘Deadliest Year’ Yet For Red Sea Migrants, UN Reports 922 Deaths

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The number of migrants who died on the “Eastern Route” from the Horn of Africa to the Arabian Peninsula doubled to a record high of 922 last year, the UN migration agency said Wednesday.

Tens of thousands of migrants from Ethiopia, Somalia and neighbouring countries take the route across the Red Sea each year, mostly from Djibouti to Yemen, in search of work as labourers or domestic workers in wealthy Gulf countries.

“2025 was the deadliest year ever recorded on the Eastern migration route… with 922 people dead or missing — double the number from the previous year,” Tanja Pacifico, head of mission for the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) in Djibouti, told AFP.

The majority of victims were from Ethiopia, the second most-populous country in Africa with more than 130 million people. It is plagued by multiple internal conflicts and deep poverty.

“IOM remains fully committed to working alongside the government of Djibouti to promote safe and dignified migration pathways, in order to prevent further tragedies,” said Pacifico.

Many migrants who cross the Red Sea find themselves stuck in Yemen, the poorest country on the Arabian Peninsula, which has been embroiled in a civil war for nearly a decade, and some even choose to return.

Rapid economic growth in Ethiopia — estimated to reach around 10 percent in 2026 — could encourage less migration, IOM says, but that is mitigated by high inflation, also around 10 percent in February.

 

AFP

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Denmark Faces Lengthy Negotiations To Form A Government

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Election workers recount ballots in the Marselisborg Hallen in Aarhus, Denmark on March 25, 2026. (Photo by Mikkel Berg Pedersen / Ritzau Scanpix / AFP) /
Election workers recount ballots in the Marselisborg Hallen in Aarhus, Denmark on March 25, 2026. (Photo by Mikkel Berg Pedersen / Ritzau Scanpix / AFP) /

Denmark’s political parties began the thorny process of forming a government Wednesday, with the centrist Moderates as kingmaker after the prime minister’s Social Democrats scraped through a general election without a majority.

Greenland’s Inuit Ataqatigiit party member Naaja Nathanielsen (C) looks on in a polling station in Nuuk, on March 24, 2026, during the parliamentary election in Denmark (Photo by Oscar Scott Carl / Ritzau Scanpix / AFP) / Denmark OUT

Danes were braced for a weeks-long process as Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen seeks to consolidate power in the deeply splintered parliament after Tuesday’s snap vote.

Denmark’s Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen arrives at Amalienborg Palace in Copenhagen to inform the king about the election result one day after the parliamentary election on March 25, 2026. (Photo by Martin Sylvest / Ritzau Scanpix / AFP) 

A left-wing bloc made up of five parties, including Frederiksen’s Social Democrats, won 84 seats; the right-wing and far-right claimed 77; and the Moderates won 14 in the election.

The Social Democrats posted their worst election score since 1903—though they remained Denmark’s largest single party, with 38 seats in the 179-seat parliament.

Chairwoman of the Social Democrats Mette Frederiksen attends a party leader debate hosted by Publicists’ Club one the day after the parliamentary election at the Confederation of Danish Industry’s building in Copenhagen on March 25, 2026. (Photo by Liselotte Sabroe / Ritzau Scanpix / AFP)

 

 

Frederiksen formally tendered her coalition government’s resignation to King Frederik on Wednesday, telling a televised party leader debate she wanted to try to form a centre-left government.

“The most realistic scenario” would be a coalition with the five parties on the left and the centre-right Moderates, she said.

But it is not certain the Moderates, led by Foreign Minister Lars Lokke Rasmussen, would agree to that.

“I don’t believe that Denmark needs policies aligned with” the leftist Red-Green Alliance, Lokke said.

Chairman of the Moderates Lars Loekke Rasmussen attends a party leader debate at the Confederation of Danish Industry’s building in Copenhagen on March 25, 2026, the day after the parliamentary election. (Photo by Liselotte Sabroe / Ritzau Scanpix / AFP) / Denmark OUT

King Frederik was to meet party leaders individually later Wednesday to determine who should be asked to try to form the next government.

“My expectation is that Mette Frederiksen will become prime minister,” University of Copenhagen political science professor Rune Stubager told reporters.

“But I don’t know with the backing of which parties, like the left wing or the right wing,” he said.

He noted that Lokke, a two-time former prime minister, would likely vie for the position of prime minister, even though he has adamantly denied any interest in the job.

“Danes want me and not another prime minister. I still have the backing to be able to continue on behalf of the Danish people,” Frederiksen insisted during the debate.

Frederiksen has for the past four years headed an unprecedented left-right coalition made up of her Social Democrats, the Moderates and the Liberals.

The Liberals have refused to continue in a Social Democrat-led government.

‘Too Hard To Say’

Danes are now prepared for long negotiations. After the 2022 election, the talks lasted six weeks.

“It’s a long process, which means the government won’t be formed and it will be quite difficult to pass laws during this period,” lamented Jesper Dyrfjeld Christensen, a 54-year-old engineer.

“It’s really too hard to say who will be part of the coalition,” admitted Stubager.

With 12 parties in parliament, the political landscape is jagged — though Denmark is accustomed to minority governments.

“To some extent, this is the way Danish politics works. You have a minority government in the centre which forms a majority with the left on some issues and with the right on others,” he explained.

The negotiations are expected to focus on economic and pension issues, pollution and immigration, he said.

The traditional far-right party, the Danish People’s Party, which has heavily influenced policy since the late 1990s but slumped in the 2022 election, more than tripled its result to 9.1 per cent of votes.

The three anti-immigration groups together garnered 17 per cent, a stable figure for Denmark’s populist right over the past two decades.

“If negotiations take place in the left-wing bloc with the moderates, then there will be more focus on green issues than on immigration,” Stubager said.

“But if, instead, the Moderates negotiate with the parties on the right, then the central issue will be immigration.”

Four seats in Denmark’s parliament are held by its two autonomous territories — two for Greenland and two for the Faroe Islands.

While the Faroese renewed the mandates of the two outgoing lawmakers, with one for each bloc, Greenland overwhelmingly backed the left-wing party and Naleraq, which advocates rapid independence from Denmark.

 

 

 

 

 

AFP

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