Human rights lawyers and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Femi Falana, and Olisa Agbakoba have strongly opposed the proposed bill to make voting compulsory in Nigeria, Falana declared it “unconstitutional” and “impractical” under the current legal framework while Agbakoba, said that he would rather be jailed than comply with such a law.
The bill, co-sponsored by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, and Labour Party lawmaker Daniel Asama Ago, seeks to amend the Electoral Act to make voting mandatory for all Nigerians of voting age in national and state elections. It proposes a six-month jail term or a fine of ₦100,000 for eligible citizens who fail to vote.
During the plenary on Thursday, Ago, who represents Bassa/Jos North, argued that the bill aims to curb voter apathy and reduce vote-buying. Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu supported the bill, citing Australia as a model where compulsory voting has reportedly enhanced civic responsibility.
However, Falana, in a statement issued on Monday titled ‘Compulsory Voting is Not Enough’, faulted the legislative move on constitutional grounds.
He said the bill is inconsistent with several provisions of the 1999 Constitution, which guarantee citizens’ rights to privacy, freedom of thought, and freedom of conscience.
“The Speaker of the House of Representatives probably wants Nigeria to join Egypt—the only African country out of 23 globally with provisions for compulsory voting.
“The said constitutional provisions protect the fundamental rights of the Nigerian people to privacy, freedom of thought and conscience, as well as the freedom to register and vote in national and state elections conducted in Nigeria.
“However, it is doubtful whether the Speaker and his colleagues have paid sufficient attention to the relevant provisions of the Constitution. Otherwise, they would have realised that the compulsory voting is constitutionally invalid in every material particular on the ground that it is inconsistent with Sections 37, 38, 77(2), 135(5) and 178(5) of the Constitution,” he stated.
‘Impractical To Prosecute Nigerians’
He argued that the legal foundation for mandatory voting is shaky since Chapter II of the constitution outlines the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy, which remain non-justiciable.
“Compulsory voting cannot be legalised in vacuo. Apart from the possibility that it may be declared illegal under the current political dispensation, it is practically impossible to prosecute millions of Nigerians who may decide to boycott national and local elections that have been reduced to the periodic renewal of misgovernance, corruption, and abuse of power by pampered members of the political class,” Falana warned.
“Since Section 14(2) of the Constitution provides for popular participation in the democratic process, compulsory voting may only be justified if Chapter II thereof is made justiciable,” he said.
Falana criticised Nigerian courts for dismissing the enforceability of Chapter II without considering Section 224 of the Constitution, which mandates political parties to align their programmes and policies with the principles in that chapter.
“Nigerian courts have never considered Section 224, which states that ‘the programme, as well as the aims and objects of a political party, shall conform with the provisions of Chapter II of this Constitution,’” he said.
He also cited sections of the constitution which require public officeholders to swear to uphold the Constitution, including the directive principles in Chapter II.
Falana maintained that both political parties and officeholders are legally bound to respect the socio-economic rights of citizens.
“Each of these public officers is mandatorily required to swear or affirm to ‘strive to preserve the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy contained in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
“The point I am struggling to make is that by the combined effect of the relevant provisions of the Constitution, all political parties and members of the executive and legislature are under a legal obligation to comply with the provisions of the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy enshrined in Chapter II,” he said.
He further invoked Article 13(1) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act, which guarantees citizens the right to participate in government.
“Citizens can be justifiably compelled to vote only if the socio-economic rights set out in Chapter II are made justiciable,” Falana added.
‘Review Bill, Tilt To Electoral Act’
Citing several precedents, Falana stressed that compulsory voting violates both legal and moral boundaries. “The National Assembly is advised to review the controversial bill without any further delay,” he stated.
The SAN also criticised the lack of constitutional backing for electronic election devices such as BVAS and IReV, despite their role in improving electoral credibility. “The Supreme Court has ruled that the use of these devices is not yet recognised under the Electoral Act or the Constitution,” he stated.
According to Falana, the legislative focus should shift toward amending the Electoral Act to formally integrate technological innovations like BVAS and to adopt key recommendations from the Uwais Electoral Reform Panel.
These include unbundling INEC, introducing proportional representation, concluding election petitions before the swearing-in of winners, and establishing an electoral offences commission.
A file photo of members of the House of Reps. Photo: X@HouseNGR
He stated that unless Chapter II of the Constitution—containing the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy—is made justiciable, enforcing compulsory voting would remain a legal contradiction.
“Having regard to the state of the law, compulsory voting cannot be legalised in vacuo,” the lawyer declared.
Falana referenced Nwali v Ebonyi State Independent Electoral Commission & Ors (2014), where the Court of Appeal ruled that open ballot voting violated the right to privacy.
Case References
The senior lawyer also cited Medical and Dental Practitioners Disciplinary Tribunal v Okonkwo (2001), where the Supreme Court upheld the right to freedom of thought and conscience, emphasizing that individuals cannot be coerced into actions that conflict with their beliefs.
Falana noted that in the case, the court reversed a disciplinary sanction on a doctor who had respected a patient’s religious refusal of blood transfusion, stressing that coercion undermines constitutional rights.
Further highlighting judicial positions, he pointed to Incorporated Trustees of Digital Rights Lawyers Initiative & Ors v National Identity Management Commission (2020), where a judge ruled that the right to privacy extends beyond physical spaces to personal data and decisions.
On religious freedoms, he cited the 2022 Supreme Court decision in Lagos State Govt & Ors v Asiyat AbdulKareem, which upheld Muslim students’ right to wear the hijab in public schools, reaffirming that religious expression is constitutionally protected.
Agbakoba condemned the National Assembly’s attempt to enforce compulsory voting, arguing that it fails to address the root causes of voter apathy in the country.
“Look at the ridiculous one in the National Assembly about voting being compulsory. If that bill were to pass, I would say, ‘Agbakoba, we will not obey it.’ I’ll plead conscientious objection. I’d rather go to prison for six months than to obey it,” he said.
He questioned the rationale behind the bill, stating, “Why would the National Assembly want to impose compulsory voting? Why don’t they reverse the question and say, Why are Nigerians not interested? What is the apathy about?”
Exclusion, Unfulfilled Promises
Agbakoba maintained that voter disengagement stems from years of exclusion and unfulfilled political promises, not a lack of civic responsibility.
“The apathy is that they don’t get anything. If I know that I’m going to get something—there’s an aspiration, there’s an interest—you will find people coming out to vote. But then people see the same old trick. You come, you take my vote, you disappear till the next four years. There’ll be apathy,” he said.
According to the senior lawyer, exclusion is at the heart of Nigeria’s democratic failure.
“Right now, we have a big problem with having a system that excludes. I think you will find the biggest problem we have in Nigeria is around exclusion. That, I think, is the biggest problem—around exclusion. People are not taking part in the process,” he noted.
Looking ahead to the 2027 general elections, he stated that he has noticed a troubling pattern, warning that democracy in Nigeria cannot succeed if it continues to serve only a select elite.
“Suddenly, you have a big issue of coalitions and defections. Why? I have not heard many politicians talk about people—about the welfare of Nigerians, about their suffering, about their inadequate opportunities. I have not heard that.
“All I hear politicians do is, every four years, they jump up; they become active. Once they get power, they disappear. So for all these reasons, I think we need to look for a new model,” Agbakoba stated.
Pressed on whether the real issue is the attractiveness of public office and the consistent failure of leadership, Agbakoba reiterated that Nigeria’s political failure is the core reason behind low voter turnout.
He said, “We’ve had some good leaders, I must confess. But generally speaking, the leadership quality has been very poor. And the leadership quality has not led Nigerians to where they want to be.
“That’s why I refer to the fact that we have voter apathy and disinterest. So, unless we ask ourselves and interrogate the issue behind this lack of interest in voting, wewill will not get it right.
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“I can tell you that the reason why Nigerians are not interested is because they don’t see anything. You should take a trip around Nigeria. Lagos is not Nigeria, by the way, because some people who live here, like us, think that.”
The Israeli military announced on Wednesday it had struck two naval cruise missile production facilities operating under Iran’s ministry of defence in Tehran.
“In recent days, the Israeli air force acting on IDF intelligence struck two key naval cruise missile production sites in Tehran,” the military said.
It said the facilities were used to “develop and manufacture long-range naval cruise missiles, which are capable of rapidly destroying targets at sea and on land”.
The strikes “represent another step in deepening the damage done to the regime’s military production infrastructure”, the military added.
Last week, the military announced its fighter jets had struck several Iranian naval ships in the Caspian Sea, including vessels equipped with anti-submarine missiles.
The number of migrants who died on the “Eastern Route” from the Horn of Africa to the Arabian Peninsula doubled to a record high of 922 last year, the UN migration agency said Wednesday.
Tens of thousands of migrants from Ethiopia, Somalia and neighbouring countries take the route across the Red Sea each year, mostly from Djibouti to Yemen, in search of work as labourers or domestic workers in wealthy Gulf countries.
“2025 was the deadliest year ever recorded on the Eastern migration route… with 922 people dead or missing — double the number from the previous year,” Tanja Pacifico, head of mission for the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) in Djibouti, told AFP.
The majority of victims were from Ethiopia, the second most-populous country in Africa with more than 130 million people. It is plagued by multiple internal conflicts and deep poverty.
“IOM remains fully committed to working alongside the government of Djibouti to promote safe and dignified migration pathways, in order to prevent further tragedies,” said Pacifico.
Many migrants who cross the Red Sea find themselves stuck in Yemen, the poorest country on the Arabian Peninsula, which has been embroiled in a civil war for nearly a decade, and some even choose to return.
Rapid economic growth in Ethiopia — estimated to reach around 10 percent in 2026 — could encourage less migration, IOM says, but that is mitigated by high inflation, also around 10 percent in February.
Election workers recount ballots in the Marselisborg Hallen in Aarhus, Denmark on March 25, 2026. (Photo by Mikkel Berg Pedersen / Ritzau Scanpix / AFP) /
Denmark’s political parties began the thorny process of forming a government Wednesday, with the centrist Moderates as kingmaker after the prime minister’s Social Democrats scraped through a general election without a majority.
Greenland’s Inuit Ataqatigiit party member Naaja Nathanielsen (C) looks on in a polling station in Nuuk, on March 24, 2026, during the parliamentary election in Denmark (Photo by Oscar Scott Carl / Ritzau Scanpix / AFP) / Denmark OUT
Danes were braced for a weeks-long process as Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen seeks to consolidate power in the deeply splintered parliament after Tuesday’s snap vote.
Denmark’s Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen arrives at Amalienborg Palace in Copenhagen to inform the king about the election result one day after the parliamentary election on March 25, 2026. (Photo by Martin Sylvest / Ritzau Scanpix / AFP)
A left-wing bloc made up of five parties, including Frederiksen’s Social Democrats, won 84 seats; the right-wing and far-right claimed 77; and the Moderates won 14 in the election.
The Social Democrats posted their worst election score since 1903—though they remained Denmark’s largest single party, with 38 seats in the 179-seat parliament.
Chairwoman of the Social Democrats Mette Frederiksen attends a party leader debate hosted by Publicists’ Club one the day after the parliamentary election at the Confederation of Danish Industry’s building in Copenhagen on March 25, 2026. (Photo by Liselotte Sabroe / Ritzau Scanpix / AFP)
Frederiksen formally tendered her coalition government’s resignation to King Frederik on Wednesday, telling a televised party leader debate she wanted to try to form a centre-left government.
“The most realistic scenario” would be a coalition with the five parties on the left and the centre-right Moderates, she said.
But it is not certain the Moderates, led by Foreign Minister Lars Lokke Rasmussen, would agree to that.
“I don’t believe that Denmark needs policies aligned with” the leftist Red-Green Alliance, Lokke said.
Chairman of the Moderates Lars Loekke Rasmussen attends a party leader debate at the Confederation of Danish Industry’s building in Copenhagen on March 25, 2026, the day after the parliamentary election. (Photo by Liselotte Sabroe / Ritzau Scanpix / AFP) / Denmark OUT
King Frederik was to meet party leaders individually later Wednesday to determine who should be asked to try to form the next government.
“My expectation is that Mette Frederiksen will become prime minister,” University of Copenhagen political science professor Rune Stubager told reporters.
“But I don’t know with the backing of which parties, like the left wing or the right wing,” he said.
He noted that Lokke, a two-time former prime minister, would likely vie for the position of prime minister, even though he has adamantly denied any interest in the job.
“Danes want me and not another prime minister. I still have the backing to be able to continue on behalf of the Danish people,” Frederiksen insisted during the debate.
Frederiksen has for the past four years headed an unprecedented left-right coalition made up of her Social Democrats, the Moderates and the Liberals.
The Liberals have refused to continue in a Social Democrat-led government.
‘Too Hard To Say’
Danes are now prepared for long negotiations. After the 2022 election, the talks lasted six weeks.
“It’s a long process, which means the government won’t be formed and it will be quite difficult to pass laws during this period,” lamented Jesper Dyrfjeld Christensen, a 54-year-old engineer.
“It’s really too hard to say who will be part of the coalition,” admitted Stubager.
With 12 parties in parliament, the political landscape is jagged — though Denmark is accustomed to minority governments.
“To some extent, this is the way Danish politics works. You have a minority government in the centre which forms a majority with the left on some issues and with the right on others,” he explained.
The negotiations are expected to focus on economic and pension issues, pollution and immigration, he said.
The traditional far-right party, the Danish People’s Party, which has heavily influenced policy since the late 1990s but slumped in the 2022 election, more than tripled its result to 9.1 per cent of votes.
The three anti-immigration groups together garnered 17 per cent, a stable figure for Denmark’s populist right over the past two decades.
“If negotiations take place in the left-wing bloc with the moderates, then there will be more focus on green issues than on immigration,” Stubager said.
“But if, instead, the Moderates negotiate with the parties on the right, then the central issue will be immigration.”
Four seats in Denmark’s parliament are held by its two autonomous territories — two for Greenland and two for the Faroe Islands.
While the Faroese renewed the mandates of the two outgoing lawmakers, with one for each bloc, Greenland overwhelmingly backed the left-wing party and Naleraq, which advocates rapid independence from Denmark.
